domingo, 29 de junio de 2014

Remembering the 1979 Revolt

A Kurdish mother tends to an infant wounded in the fighting.
A Kurdish soldier shows his sidearm to some admirers 
(Above photos from: http://www.sarafrazan.net/howanationcommited%20.htm)



 BBC: August, 1979: Kurdish revolt grows in Iran

http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/august/23/newsid_2535000/2535165.stm

Kurds in Iran have ousted government troops from a large area near the Iraqi border.
However, they have full control of only one town, Mahabad, the centre of Iranian Kurdistan in the north-west of the country.

The revolt began last week when Kurdish tribesmen overpowered Iranian soldiers in the nearby town of Paveh.

The fighting later spread to the towns of Divan Darreh, Saqqez and Mahabad which was briefly the capital of an independent Kurdish republic from 1946-7.

Iran's four million Kurds have been disappointed the ousting of the Shah and the setting up of an Islamic state has not brought them more autonomy.

Hiding

Many of the 15 million Kurds inhabiting the mountainous area where Iran, Iraq, Turkey, Syria and the Soviet republic of Armenia meet want it to be declared an independent state.

But Turkey and Iraq in particular have always resisted giving up sovereignty over their portions of Kurdistan.

Earlier this year Kurdish leaders met Iran's spiritual leader, Ayatollah Khomeini, who warned them against trying to break away from Iran.

Many Kurdish leaders have now gone into hiding after Ayatollah Khomeini ordered their arrest.

In spite of the current fighting, Iran's Kurds say they do not want to sever the territory from the rest of the country.

"If we cut ourselves off we would have only the mountains and the goats. We would die from hunger," said one Kurdish leader.

Iranian newspaper reports have put the number killed so far at about 600.

Traditionally, Iran's Kurds have been less strident in their demands for independence and have rarely resorted to violence.

They have more in common with the majority population who are Persians than Kurds in Turkey and Iraq have with the majority Arabs there.

domingo, 22 de junio de 2014

The East Kurdistan Independent Party (EKIP)

 Interview with Mani Vehumen member of East Kurdistan Independent Party (EKIP)


- What is the East Kurdistan Independence Party?
"We are a different political party, which is not struggling for a minimal rights, like autonomy or federalism, but we are fighting for our full national independence. Kurdistan belongs to Kurdish people and it must be governed by a joint participatory administrative system which is comprised of both Kurds and the other nationalities whose living in Kurdistan.

We were established in 2006, and never tried to start a serious armed movement as our leading organ was dominated by a corrupt leader. We removed him from his position, then from our entire organization in February 2013. Then we reorganized our entire organization, and started to revision our policy, party program, strategies and tactics, philosophy and methodology and organizational structure. We say we have revolutionized us completely, because we have returned to our roots.

Our past and history contains valuable systems and mechanisms which if they modernized then we have a fully liable political and administrative system which is adapted to the conditions of our society. The result of this development proses is what we call Djivaki Republic of Kurdistan. In this republic the society is run based on the Kurdish participatory mechanisms.

Returning to our roots demands a review of our history, our national identity which can encourage or develop new basic believes as an important fundaments developing a system or a package of systems. All from believe and culture to economy and politic. All of this system are united in one essential old Kurdish value; labor and happiness. There should be the formula for combining both labor and happiness, in a such relation which falling in a perfect natural and ecological harmony together. This is our main philosophy and we deeply believe in it. We call this Vehumena, which is based on psychological self-developing methods.

Our system is including many things of course, like a package of urgent tasks. In this stage which we call occupying stage, as our land is taken by enemy states, then we should have som solutions, tactics and strategies to liberate our land.

We believe that we have been in a political stage in almost 70 years, which we call political party stage. In this stage political parties have had militia forces and fought against the occupier without no results. We need to pass this stage and start a new stage which we call movement stage which is going to use the most dynamism in the society. A movement should be enforced by a formal and official structural organization as we call Liberating State.

Our most urgent task now is to stimulate the Kurdish society both in exile and within the country to switch to this form of movement and we have had some progress to aware effective Kurdish individuals to realize this urgency. This is our most urgent priority which is turning into a movement which we dream cover our entire land.

- What is liberating state?
We believe that a political party should only should be a political party and not a combination of militia forces and a political hardcore. This phase has to get to an end and a new methodological strategy has to occur. In this new stage the struggle for our liberation most have an national and international credibility. This credibility can only occur if we start the right organization for it. Liberating State is what we believe is the right organization which is a transferral government starting from exile and continuing in Kurdistan among our people.

Liberating State will be organized as a government with all necessary executive organs and commissions to lead a credible, formal and official struggle to liberate Rojhelat. This government will of course have both national and international tasks and this will also have a liberating Army with a movement structure which can effectively fight the occupier and liberate our land village by village and city by city.

We have started very wide dialog with Kurds in exile, maybe many Kurds are still not reached, but we will reach everyone. We have a deadline to uncover our first initiative, but before we do that we need to reach enough people! The form which we are getting organized is so long Djivaki methods which does not belong to our party only, but to our ancient nation. This is a participatory method which gives everyone to play an their adapted role in liberation of Kurdistan.

With a time perspective of five years, we need to get liberated. That's why all Kurds in Kurdistan and exile need to unite and come together as we want to be free. Liberating State is non political party approach to our dream which is liberation of Kurdistan.

- How is EKIP organized? What form did this returning to roots take?
"We have renewed our organization and moved from the classical democratic centralism to a modernized form of traditional participatory Kurdish structure, called Djivaki organizational system. This is the closest form of organizing method to our Kurdish mentality which we have inherited from ancient people of Zagros mountains, Anatolia and Mesopotamia. The reason for this change was that we found democracy and centralism very antagonistic to each other... Our share of "democratic centralism" have been only intern conflicts and using our resources for fighting against each other.

As Kurdish people we are more or less used to collective and participatory mentality which is thousands of years old among Kurdish people. The best choice for us was, to not imitate western democracy or eastern socialism, but modernize our own civilization instead.

We exposed our new program to the public in November (2013) and since then, our popularity has increased dramatically. In Rojhelat where we are concentrating our struggle, we have also achieved high popularity, now working on plans to organize further.

- What is your attitude regarding "armed struggle?"
"We have realized that the classical Peshmarga forces are not enough for liberating our land. We don't want to kill or to be killed for putting pressure on Tehran to negotiate with us and recognize a minimal national right like autonomy or federalism. We need a more effective means. We are working hard to encourage Kurdish youth to start an armed liberating movement organized as Kurdistan Liberating Army which is really capable to liberate our land, not only fight to keep us alive as a nation.

Our first priority is getting all kind of support from our people, and we want to capture the supplies we need for armed struggle. Kurdish fighters are very good on this. This is our main policy.

- What is the situation in East Kurdistan today?
"Living in East-Kurdistan is hard and risky. The sanctions made the government and the revolution guard reacher, greedier and more violent, while our people are suffering from extreme poverty. And we all know how the governmental violence is growing to the record high levels. Governmental murders are not killing only political activists or political prisoners, but also Kolbers (border porters) and their horses. Persecutions reaching a lighter level as never before.

Rohani government collected votes by promising what they call "minorities" more rights, but right after he took over, a new wave of judgments, arrests and executions started. On the other side, his cabinet is doing his best to manipulate the western powers about the nuclear activity, just in order to lighten the sanctions. Even we believe that the sanctions make Tehran more violent, reacher and greedier, but we also know that the flexibility the West is showing Tehran, makes the region more unstable as Tehran is a big threat against stability in the region specially the safety of Israel and Sunni Muslims.

Rojhelat now is suffering from being unorganized, despite the Kurdish national awareness is increasing. The armed forces belonging to Rojhelat are now passive and no liberating or fighting for that matter is going on. This is going on while the time is ripe more then ever for starting a liberating struggle. I believe Rojhelat is not going to sacrifice their children for anything less then independence.

In Rojhelat we have a very painful challenge which we need a lot of power to win over, and it is Salafi organization which are affiliated with Alqaeda. They are getting full economic support from Saudi Arabia and full activity freedom from the Iranian regime. They have almost full control over Djiwanro which is a city in Rojhelat. They are teaching suicidal bombers and sending them to Afghanistan and also to Syria and Rojava to fight the Kurdish YPG. We feel that it is our duty to stop this process and we have already warned them that we are going to fight them. We are very serious on this issue- they are Saudi Arabia's iron hand in our land and we have had enough of their hegemony in our land and we are not going to accept it any more.

Another challenge is further militarization of Rojhelat with former Hamza troops which is able to mobilize 250000 troops within 48 hours according to themselves. There is one missile site in my hometown, one in another city, and the biggest missile depot is tunneled in another Kurdish city. This means the Rojhelat is extremely strategic for the regime to threaten Israel and Europe. If Rojhelat getting independent and this regime is still alive, then they lose their maneuvering power against the region and the west and in the same time the a big part of their capability to execute their new safawidism project as one of the biggest projects in Middle East.

We have many other challenges in Rojhelat, and it is only possible to fight back with an independent movement with the right strategies, projects and solutions for all challenges.


Contact/ Learn more:
parti.serbestii@gmai­l.com

Their website:
www.serbesti.info

Facebook page:
https://­m.facebook.com/­parti.srk

jueves, 19 de junio de 2014

Death Row for Kurds in iran

 Four Iranian Kurdish prisoners on death row at imminent risk amid reports of secret executions  15.6.2014
Amnesty International



LONDON,— Amnesty International, Public statement, 14 June 2014. AI Index: MDE 13/035/2014

Four Sunni Kurdish prisoners on death row, Hamed Ahmadi, Jahangir Dehghani, Jamshid Dehghani and Kamal Molaee, have been transferred to solitary confinement and are scheduled to be executed on Sunday 15 June on the charge of “enmity against God” (moharebeh), only days after reports of the secret execution of Ali Chebieshat and Sayed Khaled Mousawi on the same charge, warned Amnesty International.

Amnesty International calls on the authorities not to execute Hamed Ahmadi, Jahangir Dehghani, Jamshid Dehghani and Kamal Molaee and immediately impose a moratorium on all executions.

The families of the four men were called on 13 June to visit their relatives for the last time before their death sentence will be implemented in Rajae Shahr prison on 15 June. The four are accused of killing Mullah Mohammad Sheikh al-Islam, a senior Sunni cleric with ties to the Iranian authorities. The men deny the accusation, saying that they had been arrested between June and July 2009, several months before the sheikh’s killing in September 2009, and that they have been targeted solely because they practiced or promoted their faith, such as taking part in Sunni religious seminars and distributing Sunni reading materials. The Supreme Court had upheld the death sentences in September 2013, and the sentences had been sent to the Office for the Implementation of Sentences, the official body in charge of carrying out executions.  

The authorities sentenced the four men to death after trials during which basic safeguards, such as rights of defense, were disregarded, in contravention of international fair trial standards

The organization’ call comes amid reports of the secret executions of Ali Chebieshat and Sayed Khaled Mousawi, two members of Iran’s Ahwazi minority who had been held in conditions amounting to enforced disappearance since March 2014.

Ali Chebieshat and Sayed Khaled Mousawi families learned on 12 June 2014 that the men had been executed. The circumstances surrounding the executions remain shrouded in secrecy as the families have been told neither about the date nor the place at which the executions took place, in violation of Iranian law which requires lawyers and families to be notified of scheduled executions 48 hours in advance. The authorities have never even provided the men’s families and lawyer with the verdict sentencing the two men to death.

On 12 June 2014, the brother and son of Ali Chebieshat were told to report to the Ministry of Intelligence office in Ahvaz, the capital of the Province of Khuzestan in southern Iran. They learned of Ali Chebieshat’s execution only after they were driven to a cemetery in Ramhormozz, a city more than 200 km away from the hometown of Ali Chebieshat in Kaab Khalaf Mosallam, Shush, Khuzestan, and shown an unmarked grave presented to them as the grave of Ali Chebieshat. The family of Sayed Khaled Mousawi were told by the Ministry of Intelligence office in Ahvaz that they would be taken to his burial location on 13 June 2014. Both families were warned against holding memorials for their executed relatives.

Later the same day, people in the home village of Ali Chebieshat who learned of his death went to the family home to mourn. Shortly thereafter, plainclothes agents from the Ministry of Intelligence reportedly arrived, and dispersed the informal gathering and arrested Ali Chebieshat’s brother and son. Both men were subsequently released on 13 June 2014 after providing a written guarantee to not hold a memorial for Ali Chebieshat.

At the time of writing, Sayed Khaled Mousawi’s family had not yet been taken to the site of his burial.

Ali Chebieshat and Sayed Khaled Mousawi were sentenced to death on 9 September 2013 by a Revolutionary Court in Ahvaz on the charge of “enmity against God”. The Revolutionary Court is understood to have handed down the sentence based on the men’s forced “confessions” to their role in the explosion of a natural gas pipeline close to their native village, despite the director of the state-owned Khuzestan Gas Company describing the explosion as an accident.

While they never received a written verdict, the family members of Ali Chebieshat and Sayed Khaled Mousawi had been informed informally by an official in the Revolutionary Courtwww.Ekurd.net of Ahwaz on 1 May that the men’s sentences had been upheld by the Supreme Court. Three weeks later on 19 May, they learned, through an informal conversation with a Ministry of Intelligence employee that the men would be executed on 22 May 2014. However, when both families went to the Ministry of Intelligence office in Ahvaz on 22 May 2014 for information about the fate of the men, the Ministry of Intelligence officials denied even having them in custody.

According to the UN Human Rights Committee persisting uncertainty of the circumstances that led to [an] execution, as well as the location of the grave; the complete secrecy surrounding the date of the execution and the place of burial, as well as the refusal to hand over the body for burial have the effect of intimidating or punishing the family by intentionally leaving it in a state of uncertainty and mental distress.� The Committee has viewed such treatment as inhuman treatment of the family members in violation of Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Iran is a state party.

Ali Chebieshat and Sayad Khaled Mousavi were arrested in November 2012 and taken to a Ministry of Intelligence detention centre in Ahvaz. They were held in solitary confinement in a Ministry of Intelligence detention centre with no access to the external world for over seven months. Amnesty International understands that they were tortured or otherwise ill-treated during this period. In court, the two men denied all the charges brought against them and their allegations of torture or other ill-treatment are not known to have been investigated.

In June or July 2013, Ministry of Intelligence officials told the men’s families that they could meet with the detainees in a mosque in the village of Jarieh. When they arrived at the mosque, the families realized that the room was equipped with cameras. Amnesty International understands that they were told that if they agreed to be filmed while watching their relatives’ recorded “confessions”, the authorities would consider reducing their punishments. They were not told that the recorded footage would be aired on national TV. Ali Chebieshat’s family members, who refused to be filmed, were apparently contacted by Ministry of Intelligence officials a few months later and coerced into being filmed or risk him being executed. In November 2013, Iran’s state-controlled Press TV and Channel 3 of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting aired a “documentary” called “Lost in Darkness” in which they showed the “confessions” of Ali Chebieshat and Sayed Khaled Mousawi and the footage of the family members.

Two other Ahwazi Arab men, Hadi Rashedi and Hashem Sha’bani Nejad were executed in secret at the end of January 2014 after they had been transferred to an undisclosed location. Their families were told by an official from the Ministry of Intelligence on 29 January 2014 that the two men had been executed and buried a few days earlier. Amnesty International understands that those men’s families were also not told the exact date of the executions, either in advance or after they had taken place, and have not received the men’s bodies. The official told the families they were not permitted to hold a public memorial for the two men and had only 24 hours in which to hold a private service. Three other Ahwazi Arab men, Mohammad Ali Amouri, Sayed Jaber Alboshoka and Sayed Mokhtar Alboshoka, who had been sentenced to death along with them, remain at risk of execution.

Iran remains the second largest executioner in the world, after China. In 2013, according to Amnesty International figures, the Iranian authorities officially acknowledged 369 executions. However, reliable sources have reported that hundreds of additional executions took place in 2013, bringing the possible total to over 700. According to Amnesty International, as of 10 June, 157 executions during 2014 have been acknowledged by the authorities or state-sanctioned media, while reliable sources have reported at least 197 additional executions.

Case No. 2120/2011, Vladislav Kovalev et al. v. Belarus, views adopted on 29 October 2012, UN document CCPR/C/106/D/2120/2011, para. 11.10.

Copyright ©, respective author or news agency, Amnesty




Amnesty calls on Iran to halt execution of 33 Kurds  13.6.2014
Amnesty International.

June 13, 2014

LONDON,— The Iranian authorities should quash the death sentences of 33 Sunni Muslim men, including possibly a juvenile offender, convicted of “enmity against God” (moharebeh), and impose an immediate moratorium on all executions, 18 human rights organizations and one prominent human rights lawyer said today. The call comes amid serious concerns about the fairness of the legal proceedings that led to the men’s convictions and the high number of executions reported in Iran during the last year, including the June 1, 2014 hanging of a political dissident, Gholamreza Khosravi Savadjani, on the same charge.

Information the rights groups gathered suggests that most of the men were arrested by Intelligence Ministry officials in the western province of Kordestan [Iranian Kurdistan region]www.Ekurd.net in 2009 and 2010, and held in solitary confinement during their pretrial detention for several months without access to a lawyer or relatives. They are believed to have been tortured or otherwise ill-treated during that time.

Thirty one of them were tried by Branch 28 of the Revolutionary Court of Tehran, while one was tried by Branch 15 of the Revolutionary Court of Tehran and another by a branch of the Revolutionary Court of Sanandaj [Sne, Iranian Kurdistan]. They were sentenced to death after being convicted of vaguely worded national security offenses including “gathering and colluding against national security,” “spreading propaganda against the system,” “membership in Salafist groups," “corruption on earth,” and “enmity against God.” The latter two charges can carry the death penalty.  


These vaguely worded offenses in Iran's Islamic Penal Code do not meet the requirements for clarity and precision that international law outlines for criminal law. The authorities, routinely invoke them to arrest and imprison people who have peacefully exercised their rights to freedom of religion, expression, association, and assembly, or to accuse activists of supporting violent or armed opposition groups without evidence, the rights groups said.

Information gathered by the rights groups suggests that all of the men deny any involvement in armed or violent activities and maintain that they were targeted solely because they practiced or promoted their faith, such as taking part in religious seminars and distributing religious reading materials. Sunni Muslims are a minority in Iran, where most Muslims follow the Shia branch of Islam. Most Iranian Sunnis are from the Kurdish and Baluch minorities, and have long complained of state discrimination against them in both law and practice.

Recent changes to Iran’s penal code require the judiciary to review the cases of the 33 men, and vacate their death sentences on the charge of “enmity against God” if they had not personally resorted to the use of arms. The execution of Gholamreza Khosravi Savadjani, despite no evidence being presented to the court that he had used arms, suggests that Iranian authorities appear not to implement new provisions of the penal code that could save the lives of these 33 men, and others on death row on the charge of “enmity against God.”

According to his national identity card, at least one of the defendants, Borzan Nasrollahzadeh, is believed to have been under 18 at the time of his alleged offense, which would prohibit his execution under international law, including under the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to which Iran is a party.
Among the group are four men -- Hamed Ahmadi, Jahangir Dehghani, Jamshid Dehghani and Kamal Molaee -- accused of killing Mullah Mohammad Sheikh al-Islam, a senior Sunni cleric with ties to the Iranian authorities. The men have denied the accusation, saying that they were arrested between June and July 2009, several months before the sheikh’s killing, in September. The Supreme Court upheld the death sentences in September 2013, and the sentences have been sent to the Office for the Implementation of Sentences, the official body in charge of carrying out executions. The men are considered to be at imminent risk of execution.

The Supreme Court also confirmed the death sentences of four other members of the group -- Seyed Jamal Mousavi, Abdorahman Sangani, Sedigh Mohammadi and Seyed Hadi Hosseini, the rights groups reported. The other 25 men remain on death row pending review by the Supreme Court. Most of them are believed to be held in the Raja’i Shahr and Ghezel Hesar prisons in the city of Karaj. One, Seyed Jamal Mousavi, is reportedly in Sanandaj Prison in Kordestan province.

The rights groups are concerned that authorities sentenced the 33 men to death after trials during which basic safeguards, such as rights of defense, were disregarded, in contravention of international fair trial standards. Information gathered by the groups indicates that at least some of the men were denied access to a lawyer of their own choosing before and during their trials, in breach of Article 35 of the Iranian Constitution, which guarantees the right to counsel.

Their court​-appointed lawyers were not allowed to see them in prison and did not have access to their files, according to information gathered by the groups. A few of the men have alleged that they met their lawyers for the first time a few minutes before the start of their trials. The court proceedings were held behind closed doors and reportedly lasted only between 10 to 30 minutes.

Some of the men also alleged that the judiciary handed down their death sentences based on incriminating statements they were forced to sign under torture and other ill-treatment, in violation of Article 38 of the Iranian Constitution, which prohibits all forms of torture “for the purpose of obtaining confessions.” Several alleged in open letters that they were physically and psychologically abused during their detention. One of the men, Shahram Ahmadi, wrote:

“Officers of the Revolutionary Guards kicked me in the head and face, causing my nose and head to break…I did not receive any treatment for my broken nose…and I currently have breathing difficulties as a result… [My] interrogator knew that I had been injured [in a previous incident of mistreatment]. He purposely punched me in my stomach and I began bleeding heavily from my old wounds. I was hospitalized in Sanandaj Hospital under a fake name... later my wounds became infected but they refused to give me medication.”

  
The rights groups have found no information indicating that there was any investigation into these allegations of torture and other ill-treatment, contrary to Iran’s domestic law and international law. Article 578 of Iran’s Islamic Penal Code provides for the punishment of officials who torture people to obtain confessions. Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Iran is a party, prohibits the use of torture and other ill-treatment.
The irregularities reported in the men’s trials would also violate the fair trial provisions of Article 14 of the ICCPR, which include the presumption of innocence, adequate time and facilities to prepare one’s defense and to communicate with a lawyer of one’s choosing, and not to be compelled to testify against oneself or to confess guilt. The UN Human Rights Committee has stated that: “In cases of trials leading to the imposition of the death penalty scrupulous respect of the guarantees of fair trial is particularly important.”

In view of the apparently flawed legal proceedings, these 18 human rights groups and one prominent human rights lawyer urge the Iranian authorities to immediately halt the execution of these men and quash their sentences. Authorities should, at the very least, grant these men retrials in proceedings that comply with international standards of fair trial, without recourse to the death penalty.

The 33 men are, in an alphabetical order: Hamed Ahmadi, Shahram Ahmadi, Alam Barmashti, Jahangir Dehghani, Jamshid Dehghani, Seyed Shaho Ebrahimi, Varia Ghaderifard, Mohammad Gharibi, Seyed Abdol Hadi Hosseini, Farzad Honarjo, Mohammad Keyvan Karimi, Taleb Maleki, Kamal Molaee, Pouria Mohammadi, Keyvan Momenifard, Sedigh Mohammadi, Seyed Jamal Mousavi, Teymour Naderizadeh, Farshid Naseri, Ahmad Nasiri, Borzan Nasrollahzadeh, Idris Nemati, Omid Peyvand, Bahman Rahimi, Mokhtar Rahimi, Mohammadyavar Rahimi, Abdorahman Sangani, Amjad Salehi, Behrouz Shahnazari, Arash Sharifi, Kaveh Sharifi, Farzad Shahnazari, and Kaveh Veysi.

Iran remains the second largest executioner in the world, after China. In 2013, according to Amnesty International figures, the Iranian authorities officially acknowledged 369 executions. However, reliable sources have reported that hundreds of additional executions took place in 2013, bringing the total to over 700. According to Amnesty International, as of May 25, 151 executions during 2014 have been acknowledged by the authorities or state-sanctioned media, while reliable sources have reported at least 180 additional executions, for a total of 331.

The rights groups are:

Amnesty International
Human Rights Watch
Justice for Iran
Abdorrahman Boroumand Foundation
Arseh Sevom
Association for Defense of Azerbaijani Political Prisoners in Iran
Association for Human Rights in Kurdistan of Iran-Geneva (KMMK-G)
Baloch Human Rights Organization
Center for Combating Racism & Discrimination against Arabs in Iran
Centre for Supporters of Human Rights
Ensemble contre la peine de mort (ECPM)
International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran
Iran Human Rights
Iran Human Rights Documentation Center
Step by Step to Stop Death Penalty (LEGAM)
Mehrangiz Kar
Nobel Women’s Initiative
Siamak Pourzand Foundation
United for Iran
For more information or to arrange an interview please contact:
United for Iran
Director - Firuzeh Mahmoudi
firuzeh@united4iran.org
+1 510 435 4131
Amnesty International
International Press Office
Phone: +44 (0) 20 7413 5566 Phone: +44 (0) 7778 472 126 Email: press@amnesty.org
Human Rights Watch

  


In New Your, Faraz Sanei (English, Persian)
+1-212-216-1290; or +1-310-428-0153 (mobile); or saneif@hrw.org. Follow on Twitter @farazsanei
In Washington, DC, Joe Stork (English): +1-202-299-4925 (mobile); or storkj@hrw.org In Cairo, Tamara Alrifai (English, Arabic, French, Spanish): +20-122-751-2450 (mobile); or alrifat@hrw.org. Follow on Twitter @TamaraAlrifai

Amnesty International June 12, 2014.


East Kurdistan Defence Forces Established

   East Kurdistan Defence Forces YRK established
http://en.firatnews.com/news/news/east-kurdistan-defence-forces-yrk-established.htm
The East Kurdistan Forces (HRK) has held its 3rd conference, announcing it is changing its name to YRK.

The HRK, also known as the military wing of PJAK, discussed recent developments in Kurdistan and in the Middle East at its 3rd conference. A decision was taken to undertake a name change and to reorganise the force as the defence force of the recently established Community of Democracy and Freedom of East Kurdistan(KODAR). In accordance with this the name of the East Kurdistan Forces was changed to East Kurdistan Defence Forces (YRK).

Other decisions taken at the conference are as follows:

-The East Kurdistan Defence Forces are based on the principle of legitimate defence. It will not launch an attack unless attacked. It will respond in a determined manner to attacks.

-The YRK is the defence force of KODAR and its command will be its Command Council.

-YRK is not affiliated to any party or movement

-Freedom of women is a fundamental principal of the YRK

-YRK supports the ongoing ceasefire between the Kurdish freedom movement and the Iranian state

-YRK also sees itself as a defence force of nature and will wage a struggle against environmental destruction

-YRK evaluates itself as the heir apparent of the freedom struggle

-YRK calls on all the young people of East Kurdistan to join the ranks of the YRK to protect their existence, identity and culture

- YRK calls on village guards armed by the Iranian regime to give up their arms and take the side of the people.

Kurdish Woman Loosing Sight in Iranian Prison

  KURDISH WOMAN LOSING SIGHT IN IRANIAN PRISON: ZEYNAB JALALIAN

UA: 151/14 Index: MDE 13/033/2014 Iran Date: 16 June 2014
 AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL- URGENT ACTION
KURDISH WOMAN losing sight in Iranian prison
Zeynab Jalalian, a member of Iranian’s Kurdish minority, currently serving a life sentence in Kermanshah Prison, western Iran, is at risk of losing her eyesight and she is in urgent need of medical care.
Zeynab Jalalian has had eye problems for a number of years, possibly as a result of beatings she received during interrogations by the Iranian authorities. Her health situation has worsened and she may be losing her eyesight. On 8 April, she was transferred to the prison clinic in handcuffs and shackles to receive treatment for her eyes, but the prison authorities have repeatedly refused to allow her access to an eye specialist outside of Kermanshah Prison. It is not clear whether the prison clinic is able to provide Zeynab Jalalian with the medical care she requires.
Zeynab Jalalian was sentenced to death for “enmity against God” (moharebeh) in January 2009 by the Kermanshah Revolutionary Court for her alleged membership of Party For Free Life of Kurdistan (PJAK) , an armed Kurdish opposition group. Before that she had spent eight months in pre-trial detention in a Ministry of Intelligence detention facility, where she says she was tortured. She was not granted access to a lawyer during her trial, which she says lasted only a few minutes. Zeynab Jalalian death sentence was commuted and reduced to life imprisonment in late November 2011.
Zeynab Jalalian’s family have not been able to visit her for more than a year and they are only allowed to have two minute phone conversations with her once a week. Zeynab Jalalian formally requested prison leave in January 2014, but she has said that the Iranian authorities have asked her to do a forced televised “confession”, which may be a prerequisite for prison leave but she has refused to do so.

http://www.irannewsupdate.com/news/human-rights/1283-document-iran-kurdish-woman-losing-sight-in-iranian-prison-zeynab-jalalian.html


Some further information on Zeynab:
https://www.facebook.com/SaveZeinabJalalian